Tuesday, November 26, 2019

Finals Week Care Package

Finals Week Care Package Theres no doubt that cookie-filled care packages raise the spirits of homesick college students, but when exam time rolls around, stressed-out kids need healthier fare. As the parent of a young adult, you know they may be skipping meals or eating more than their share of pizza and guzzling caffeine when what they need is protein, complex carbohydrates and plenty of fruits and vegetables. Instead of shipping cookies, which send blood sugar soaring and then crashing back to earth, try filling that care package with a few of these instead. Healthy Care Packages Fresh organic fruit, such as apples and tangerines, from your garden, favorite market or a fruit delivery service like the Fruit Guys- theyre a San Francisco-based organic fruit delivery company, known for their workplace fruit deliveries. The DormSnack package includes 16 servings of organic fruit, delivered to any dorm ($49 and up).Spicy chipotle-glazed pecans or other energizing nut snacks.Beef jerky or hard salami.Tasty and satisfying whole-grain crackers, or peanut butter-filled crackers.A small jar of natural crunchy peanut butter and a box of graham crackers.Dried fruit such as apricots, cherries, apples, and more. Also, organic fruit snacks are easy to carry around and eat in a pinch.Instant hot cocoa mix, instant hot soup, instant oatmeal- anything healthy that can be made in a microwave is a good idea.A can of bean dip and a bag of chips.Microwave popcorn or popcorn kernels and plain brown lunch bags, which is cheaper and healthier and without the nasty chemicals or oozing fat: Drop a 1/4 cup of popcorn kernels in a paper bag, fold over the top a couple of times and microwave it for a minute and a half to two minutes. A Starbucks gift card.Biscotti, which offer sweet crunch without a lot of sugar.A mini-loaf of homemade chocolate chip pumpkin bread.Sugar-free throat lozenges, Vitamin C lozenges or Emergen-C packets, along with ibuprofen for sore necks from hunching over a laptop for hours at a time.A DIY set of adorable exam worry dolls that will do the worrying instead.An assortment of teas to calm and relax at the end of a stressful day of studying- chamomile, peppermint, and honey ginger are just a few of the more relaxing teas.A lavender-scented body lotion for the girls is one of the most relaxing scents and is often used during massages. A lavender-scented pillow is a great way to help students who are stressed and have a hard time sleeping- a few deep breaths and theyll be off to dreamland in no time.

Saturday, November 23, 2019

Expletives

Expletives Expletives Expletives By Jacquelyn Landis You’ve heard of indefinite pronounss include everybody, anything, someone, another, something, and a few others. Did you know, however, that there’s another kind of indefinite pronoun called an expletive? The English language has two such expletives: it and there. Consider the following sentences: It might rain tomorrow. There wasn’t enough money to pay the rent. In these sentences, it and there are not pronouns that refer to or replace any existing noun. Yet they’re necessary to fill in because each sentence syntactically requires a subject. Sometimes we can’t avoid using an expletive, but if you can recast a sentence to get around it, it’s good to do so. You can expand the sentence to give it a clear subject, or if the surrounding context identifies a previous noun, you can repeat it. The forecast calls for rain tomorrow. Doctor bills had bled the family’s reserves. They didn’t have enough money to pay the rent. If you have to struggle to eliminate an expletive, it’s fine to let it stand. It’s an innocuous part of speech that doesn’t jump out at readers or disrupt flow, and usually its meaning is clearly understood. Want to improve your English in five minutes a day? Get a subscription and start receiving our writing tips and exercises daily! Keep learning! Browse the Grammar category, check our popular posts, or choose a related post below:Masters Degree or Master's Degree?For Sale vs. On SaleDissatisfied vs. Unsatisfied

Thursday, November 21, 2019

Election of 1860 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Election of 1860 - Essay Example A year after John Bolt had attempted a slave revolt in Virginia, the national debate over slavery reached boiling point and a number of Southern states threatened to secede from the Republican Party, which triggered the start of the civil war, just after the outcome of the elections. The Republican Party was advocating for the expansion of the slavery into the western nation. The two opposing sides locked heads up to and after the presidential election. The choice for leadership was not easy either. Some people thought Stephen Douglas was the best candidate. Others thought that John Breckenridge or John Bell was the most suitable candidate for America at that time. However, the presidential elections outcome proved that Lincoln was the most preferred candidate to the electorate despite the fact that only 40% of the votes cast went to him, with 2000 fewer votes going to him. The divide between the North and the South saw Lincoln gunner most of his votes in the North and clinching the leadership without support from the South. It was however Lincoln’s victory that provoked the session crisis that later sparked the war that

Tuesday, November 19, 2019

W.L. Gore and Associates Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

W.L. Gore and Associates - Essay Example The term, "employee" is not used at Gore, but associate. There are no bosses, directors or secretaries, but small teams where people know each others strengths and weaknesses. This can be a difficult situation to adjust to for new hires from traditional companies. When Diane Davidson was hired due to her fifteen years of experience a sales executive she did not know what to do without a boss dictating her actions. She was informed that her team was her boss because she would not want to let them down. Everyone is the boss and no one. (Deutschman, 2004). The philosophy is to nurture talents like Davidson's by allowing the natural abilities of people to emerge in an environment that encourages new ideas. The new hire is assigned a sponsor who is a mentor, not a supervisor. Leadership should develop naturally relative to each new project and leaders need to also be followers as necessary. This associate culture can take up to six months to learn and that is expected. The new hire might feel strange not contributing when the rest of the team is, but getting to know the other members is vital to this strategy. The representative of Gore's human resources team states that the power behind the associate culture is to encourage people to believe in their potential and in their contributions to the team effort (Moore, 2006). W.L.Gore manufactures a wide range of products that include the w... The company does not supervise the development of new inventions, but does encourage employees to spend 10% of their time on new, innovative ides-not variations on products already on the market. Self-motivation is a prime factor at Gore and the wide range of products requires the input of intelligent, creative people who must be able to work independently and with a group (Moore, 2006). As unusual as the Gore corporate structure is, the turnover rate is very low. The Sunday Times listed Gore as in the top 100 best companies for employment (McCall, 2004). Of the associates surveyed 92% said they believed that they made a valuable contribution to the company's success and 93% stated that they would miss working for Gore if they left (Doke, 2006). An important aspect of the associate culture is that it removes the cut throat type of competition generated in traditional hierarchy corporations. There one person's success often means the failure of another employee. This philosophy attracts the talent that Gore desires as it employs over 58,000 people in the United States, Britain, Scotland and Germany. The turn over rate is only 6% world wide with over 40% of associates being with Gore over five years (Dow, 2004). W.L. Gore and Associates states that they encourage hands-on innovation, involving those closest to a project in on the decision making (Gore 2006). Freedom and cooperation produce good results. Gore is willing to take risks when other companies will not leading to new and successful products like the Elixir guitar strings coated with thin plastic of protect the strings from the dirt and oil on human hands. The associate who first thought of the idea was engineer Dave Myers who designed plastic heart implants. He believed that a

Sunday, November 17, 2019

Theory of Political Culture and Ideology Essay Example for Free

Theory of Political Culture and Ideology Essay A political culture can be defined as a framework of similar values, beliefs and attitudes shared by people in a certain nation or state. Such ideals and behaviors are normally related to the government and the politics of a country and they tend to develop with time to shape the views of that countrys citizens in regard to the world and their sense of what is right or wrong, just or unjust, possible and impossible (Ginsberg, Lowi and Weir 18). The concept of a political culture is properly explained using four major aspects of a government and politics. These four aspects include; understanding the relationship between a government and the citizens, the government obligations, limits of the governmental authority and understanding peoples rights and responsibilities. The importance of a political culture is to establish a background on which the politics of a nation or a state unfolds. It also sets limits and boundaries which are to be obeyed by all actors involved in a political realm. Every nation has its own political culture. For instance, most Americans believe that there is ultimate importance of individual efforts in achieving personal success and for this reason,they are generally opposed to generous welfare benefits (Clark and Schaffner 567). Ideology refers to the way in which cultures are structured to enable a government to exercise maximum control on its citizens with minimum conflicts. Ideology in simple terms refers to specific attitudes, ideas and beliefs which advocate for a systematic plan aimed at bringing change in the social, political and economic arenas of a country. Examples of political ideologies include anarchism, socialism, statism, libertarianism, fascism, communism, conservatism and communitarianism (Cummings 56). Political ideology is different from political culture in many ways. For instance, traditionalists are not necessarily conservatives the same way liberals are not moralists. The culture of American politics is deeply rooted and it is associated with democracy, constitutionalism and capitalism. In this case, democracy in the U. S is less direct as it is marked by extreme fragmentation of power by the governing body. Constitutionalism is concerned with law and attention to individual rights of its citizens while capitalism spells out the distinction between political and economic issues. The book Habits of the heart written by Robert Bellah et al describes the American culture in terms of its values, belief and expectations as well as strengths and weaknesses in relation to the manifestations to an individual and the community as a whole (pp. 143-145). Most of the values and beliefs which make up the American political culture originate from the Greco-Roman, Anglo-Saxon, Judeo-Christain, Native American, African as well as Asian cultures. The core values of the American culture contained in the American creed include life, liberty, equality and pursuit for happiness. In addition, it includes individualism, unity and diversity of various cultures. Ideals in the American culture originate from past experiences such as those obtained from its former colonist (Britain) as well as material circumstances. According to Ginsberg, Lowi and Weir, the presence of a political ideology in the American politics is very important since its absence is likely to lead to radical pragmatism which is bound to trigger bad decisions and ethics in the policy making of the political culture. The values and beliefs held in the American political culture assist the society in the war against racism and other ethnic differences. It also helps to shape the racial attitudes and facilitates democratic stability in the region. One of the most rampant characteristics of the American culture is consumerism. Consumerism is regarded as the new capitalism and originates from the dialectic of democracy and capitalism. The American societies are preoccupied by the ideals and values associated with consumerism as a result of numerous commodities and products fabricated under the television spectacles. In the past few decades, consumerism has led to the transformation of the American citizens into shoppers who are slowly taking away the state sovereignty from within (Wayne, Mackenzie and OBrien 65). The trends of consumerism are impacting a big blow on the nations democracy affecting the judgment, liberty and overall citizenship. Consumerism leads to a disorder known as citizen schizophrenia which divides the common citizens into opposing groups denying them the legitimate access to what is civic or public. Essay 2: Political Culture of Texas. The politics and the political culture of Texas has been a subject of debate for a long time now and there has been a base line describing it as a conservative type of culture(John 87). The political culture of Texas and its ideology has been well described using three major philosophical streams which include populism, social conservatism and classical liberalism. These three ideals are said to form the foundation of the Texas political culture on which permanent values, beliefs and attitudes are built and allowed to interact with other societal values in a complex way. The ideals have led to what is referred to as a low tax, low services political culture in the state. Although Texas government has undergone some immense growth in the last few decades, the low taxes, low services culture still remains firm in the state (OConnor and Sabato 256). In addition, Texas is known to have a tradition which serves business interests both small and large with a wide latitude in terms of their economic and political ventures. The state also provides subsidies for a variety of its industries ranging from road construction, sports, real estate development, manufacturing industries among others. The state government political culture further promotes oil extraction in those regions which are environmentally sensitive and it has outsourced the services which are related to human health and well being. The government has also started the process of selling the subsoil water rights of land owned by the state to private companies and individuals thus encouraging regional and foreign investments in the state. In an effort to shape its public policy, the state has a culture which permits extensive campaigns of the elected officials and it only imposes few restrictions regarding contacts between the executives in the bureaucracy and private entities. On the other hand, this political culture allows the government to tolerate a wide variety of disparities in the political access between individuals or ordinary citizens and people who are powerful either economically or politically in the state. In comparison to the political culture on the American nation as a whole, Ginsberg, Lowi and Weir argue that the Texas political culture is similar to that of the nation as a whole in that it puts much emphasis on values of democracy, equality and liberty. They however add that these values differ in the way they are expressed and exercised in the political institutions of Texas as opposed to those at national level (pp. 304-349). In addition, the Texan political political culture as classified by Prof. Elazar is moralistic, individualistic and traditionalistic (Patterson 34). In addition, the Texas political culture puts much emphasis on democracy and has been mainly dominated by one democratic party in the past although it is slowly evolving into a two party state. In conclusion it can be said that although the Texas political culture is relatively young as compared to the national political culture it is business focused as it shuns public expenditure on social programs while at the same time leaving room for huge contracts by providing subsidies on industries and permitting sale of state property to private business interests.

Thursday, November 14, 2019

Fetal Alcohol Syndrome :: essays research papers

Fetal alcohol syndrome The 1990s is witnessing the significant impact alcohol-related birth defects are having on our society. These birth defects are caused by maternal use of alcohol during pregnancy which are irreversible, yet preventable. The most severe outcome, fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS), to the less easily diagnosed fetal alcohol effects (FAE). The incidence of FAS is estimated at .33 per 1,000 live births. The estimated incidence of FAE is three times that of FAS. With an annual cost of $76.4 million in the United States which only includes FAS, not FAE. The bulk of these costs are associated with mental retardation. It impacts the family, education system, health system and social services in general, as well as individual losses. FAS is considered the most common known cause of mental retardation in the Western World. For a positive diagnosis of FAS, in addition to a history of maternal alcohol use during pregnancy, each of the following three categories must be present: 1. slow growth before and after birth including weight, height and/or head circumference, 2. facial dysmorphology such as thin upper lip, flattened philtrum, and/or short openings between eyelids, and 3. damage to the central nervous system. Diagnosis can be difficult because many of the critical diagnostic features change with age. It is most difficult to diagnose in newborns and adults. Reaching an FAE diagnosis is even more difficult because only some of the symptoms are present, and possibly not as visible. This disorder cannot be detected by genetic testing because the damage is done after the baby is born. It is not known how much a pregnant woman can safely drink without damaging the fetus, although heavier drinking increases the likelihood of damage. Also, there does not seem to be any time during pregnancy when it is safe to drink. As a result, it is generally recommended that pregnant women abstain from drinking. Children born later to alcoholic mothers were at greater risk than older siblings. Another variable is the fact that drinking alcohol may not be the only risk-taking behavior of the mother. Poor nutrition, poor health, smoking, and other drug use may also contribute to poorer neonatal outcome. There is still a lot to be learned about how alcohol causes damage to the fetus, as well as the timing of exposure. Alcohol affects many organ systems, including the brain, which develops throughout all trimesters of pregnancy.

Tuesday, November 12, 2019

Effect Of Annealing Time And Temperature Environmental Sciences Essay

introduced to depict the experimental semi log I-V curve informations from the thermionic emanation theory utilizing ideality equation the ideality factor N of the rectifying tube was calculated from the incline of the additive part of the semi log I-V curve. Using equation 3.22, the nothing biased barrier tallness was determined from the impregnation current that was obtained from the intercept of the excess plotted additive part with current axis at V=0. In Fig. 4.1 the logarithmic dependance of I with forward biased electromotive force is seen to widen over more than five order of magnitude leting ‘n ‘ to be easy deduced from the gradient. Any interfacial oxides layer ensuing from exposure of the semiconducting material surface to the ambiance between growing and metallization would hold the consequence of doing ideality factor a electromotive force dependent parametric quantity instead than a changeless ( Rhoderick and Williams, 1988 ) . The one-dimensionality observed in Fig. 4.1 clearly show that any bing interfacial bed must be undistinguished thickness and value for ‘n ‘ which was deduced from Fig. 4.1 being close to 1 indicated the cross barrier conveyance procedure in preponderantly via thermionic emanation. Harmonizing to Pattabi et Al. ( 2007 ) an ideality factor greater than integrity is by and large attributed to the presence of a bias dependent Schottky barrier tallness. Image forces, burrowing, g eneration-recombination, interface drosss and interfacial oxide bed are possible factors which could take to a higher ideality factor. The ideality factor represents a direct step of interface uniformity. The values for both Ns and are listed in Table 4.1 for junctions at assorted times after formation ( while at room temperature ) and in Table 4.2 for a sample which was subjected to a series of tempering interventions in vacuity at 150C0. In order to analyze the stableness of Au-CdTe contacts, the electrical features of a figure of samples were investigated as map of clip after fiction. Table 4.1 gives the information for one of these samples which was studied over a period of four hebdomads. Immediately after fiction it can be seen in Table 4.1 that the barrier height measured 0.88ev. After one hebdomad there was important decrease in the barrier height to 0.80ev as determined from I-V measurings and after two hebdomads at that place was a farther decrease in the barrier height to 0.68eV. At this phase in order to look into the stableness of the measuring system, these measurings were repeated on the following twenty-four hours and, as the Table 4.1 shows indistinguishable features were observed. This confirmed the dependability of the measuring. Subsequent measuring after three hebdomads and four hebdomads indicated a much more stable behaviour of the contact with the barrier height being mentioned in the part 0.67 – 0.68eV.As it was expected that these procedures could be speeded up by increasing the temperature, a figure of sample were studied after tempering or different lengths of clip at 150C & A ; deg ; . Typical sets of I-V consequence are presented in Table 4.2. For this sample ( 228F ) the initial barrier tallness was calculated to be 0.95eV although this is non a dependable value in the position of the initial value of the ideality factor being instead high ( at 1.02 ) . How of all time after the sample was annealed at 150C & A ; deg ; for merely ten proceedingss, there was a important betterment in the ideality factor ( to 1.1 ) and a significant decrease in the measured barrier tallness to 0.75eV. It appears from this that the consequence of a brief annealing intervention was similar to go forthing the sample for a hebdomad or two at room temperature. After the sample was annealed for a 2nd clip ( for 15 proceedingss ) there was further but smaller decrease in barrier tallne ss to 0.68eV and after a 3rd annealing period ( this clip for 20 proceedingss ) there was an even smaller decrease to 0.65eV. This tendency in behaviour due to tempering, with an initial rapid autumn in the barrier height being followed by lower alterations and greater stableness is clearly similar to that observed for sample 228A which remained at room temperature for four hebdomads. It was noted above that this behaviour must be due to chemical reaction or diffusion procedures in the part of the M/S interface. In order to supply farther information on the nature of the procedures involved, a 2nd Au contact was formed to try 228F after it had been annealed ( with its first contact in topographic point ) for a sum of 45 proceedingss are antecedently described. The features of this 2nd contact are included in Table 4.2. It is clear that the initial barrier height 0.66eV for this new contact is closer to the concluding ( station tempering ) value for the original contact instead so to the much higher initial ( brittle ) value. This suggests that the procedures which influence the barrier tallness may be due to some out-diffusion from the inside of the semiconducting material to its surface. Clearly they are non dependent on the presence of the gold bed although some interaction between the Au contact and the implicit in semiconducting material is expected to happen ( Dharmadasa et al. , 1989 ; Van Meirhaeghe et al. , 1991 ) .The consequence of farther tempering for up to 70 proceedingss is rec orded in Table 4.2. Merely little alterations in ideality factor and barrier tallness were observed, bespeaking rather stable behaviour for the new junction similar to that of the original junction after tempering. Although Au is a p-type dopant in CdTe, the informations in table 4.1 and 4.2 indicates that the alterations in interface features are non dependent on the presence of Au during the procedure of tempering. An alternate account is that there is an outward diffusion of Cd ( likewise taking to the coevals of acceptor provinces near-surface part ) .This reading of the consequences is entirely understanding with the decision reached by Dharmadasa et Al. ( 1994 ) on the consequence of chemical etch interventions. Those etchants which were found to go forth the surface rich in Cd tended to bring forth barrier highs greater than 0.9 electron volts while those go forthing the surface deficient in Cd produced barrier highs which were ~ 0.2eV lower, as found in the instance of the annealed samples studied in this undertaking. Therefore, it is clear that interface reaction lead to a significant alteration in the defect construction in the locality of the junction but farther work will be necessa ry to find the exact construction of the defects provinces which might be responsible for Fermi degree traping before and after the reaction and the associated decrease in barrier tallness. 5.2 Effect of ion plating technique In order to compare the consequence for Au contacts formed by ion-assisted manner with contacts produced by the usual vaporization process, a figure of samples were given two contacts ( one of each type ) . Fig. 4.2 gives the features for the normal Au contact and Fig. 4.3 gives the features for the ion-plated contact with 15 unsweet ion-etching clip. As expected, the I-V features in Fig. 4.2 are with ideality factor ‘n ‘ 1.2 and barrier tallness ( ) 0.90eV. As expected, the features in Fig. 4.2 are really similar to those shown in Fig. 4.1. However, for the ion-plated contact with 15 unsweet ion-etching clip there is a drastic alteration in both ideality factor ‘n ‘ and the barrier tallness ( ) was found to be 2.2 and 0.69 electron volts severally from I-V features shown in Fig. 4.3. This consequence suggests that a significant denseness of defects has been created below the Au contacts as a consequence of ion barrage of the surface during the plating procedu re. The presence of defects in the depletion part, moving as recombination centres, leads to an extra forward prejudice current constituent with an ideality factor of about 2 ( Shochley and Read, 1952 ) . However, the alteration in the behavior for the ion plated contact with 20 unsweet ion-etching clip is even more drastic than observed in Fig. 4.3. There is a greater addition in both frontward and change by reversal bias current with a really low barrier tallness of the order of 0.45 electron volt and N was determined to be 4.1 observed from features shown in Fig. 4.3. Fig. 4.4 shows the battier highs as a map of ideality factors for these ion plated Schottky rectifying tubes. As can be seen from Fig. 4.4, there is a additive relationship between the barrier tallness and ideality factor, with the barrier height going smaller as the ideality factor additions. Change in ideality factor indicates that current conveyance mechanisms other than thermionic emanation are present. As this value of N is significantly greater than 2, as would be expected for a bearer recombination mechanism, as discussed earlier, it seems likely that bearer tunneling may besides be playing a function ( Popovic, 1978 ) . These consequences indicate that the possible consequence of plasma-induced surface defects is that they contribute to the conduction of the contact by moving as fast recombination centres ( Ponon, 1985 ) and in add-on to burrowing procedure suggest that this might be a utile manner of farming low opposition ( ohmic ) junction utilizing a lower work map metal. 5.3 Effect of Doping The ideal I-V features of a Schottky rectifying tube exhibits exponential prejudice dependance as in equation 3.21 can be reduced to For V & A ; gt ; 3kT/q The magnitude of this impregnation current is governed by the effectual barrier height i.e. the difference between the conductivity set lower limit ( CBM ) at the surface of Au/n-CdTe and the Fermi degree of the metal ( Au ) . The value of the barrier tallness can be calculated from the measured impregnation current utilizing equation 3.22 Deviation from this ideal behavior can be seen on the exponentially determined I-V features for normal, low and to a great extent doped InSb substrate in Figures 4.6, 4.7 and 4.8 severally where important inclines are observed for the current under contrary prejudice. Those divergences are attributed to image force take downing ( IFL ) , recombination phenomena due to the presence of deep traps and the being of high electric field ( Martin, 1981 ) . The ideality factors ‘n ‘ and effectual barrier tallness were calculated from I-V features utilizing equation 3.23 and 3.24. The term effectual reflects the fact that the barrier tallness deduced from I-V measurings is lower than the value that should be obtained under inactive status i.e. without bearer injection, and includes the consequence of the image force take downing. Fig 4.11 shows a comparative position of I-V features for these three doped samples. After rating of I-V features, the values of the effectual barrier tallness and ideality factors for three wafers are shown in Table 4.4. A graph between barrier highs and ideality factors of three doped Au/n-CdTe Schottky rectifying tube is shown in Fig 4.9. A additive relationship between ideality factor and barrier tallness can be seen in Fig. 4.9 which is comparable to Fig.4.4. It has been demonstrated theoretically and by experimentation that the additive relationship between and ‘n ‘ can be attribute d to the sidelong inhomogeneties of the barrier tallness in Schottky rectifying tubes ( Koutsouras et al. , 2005 ) . The presence of traps besides modifies the incline of the forward current and at the same clip the value of the ideality factor, which is higher than integrity for both samples ( low and high doped sample ) . With increasing dopant concentration, the breadth of the depletion part W i.e. given by relation 3.11 i.e. at a given prejudice decreases taking to higher electric Fieldss at the interface. Low barrier or effectual barrier height instead than observed for the to a great extent doped sample ( 549E ) substrate. That is the ground for the higher swill under contrary prejudice for doped samples ( 549F, 549F ) . However, the enhanced recombination rate due to the presence of deep trap degrees besides contributes coevals and recombination consequence and can non be excluded. With heavier doping, increasing figure of new donor-type energy degrees are created underneath the conductivity set border. Under these fortunes, the givers are so near together that the giver degrees are no longer discrete and non-interacting energy degrees. These are instead debauched unifying together to make an dross bond, and doing band-gap narrowing ( BNG ) of the conductivity set. Obviously, the BNG is the highest near M/S interface, and the lowest in the majority. The effectual M/S barrier tallness is therefore reduced, as shown schematically in Fig 5.1. The crisp tip of the conductivity set border in contact with the metal is peculiarly lowered, and the new barrier tallness becomes, where is the Figure 5.1: Conventional diagram demoing the decrease of M/S barrier tallness due to band-gap narrowing. barrier tallness without BNG, and is the barrier tallness with BGN. However, a much more opposition arises from the CdTe/InSb junction. It has been shown that there is a possible barrier at this interface, associated with a conductivity set discontinuity of ~0.31 eV ( Van Welzenis and Ridley, 1984 ) . From a elaborate analysis of I-V features for gold-contacted devices with similar dimensions to those in present survey, effectual opposition value of ~100? have been deduced for the CdTe/InSb junction part ( Sands and Scott, 1995 ) . Harmonizing to the thermionic emanation theory, the contact electric resistance at the M/S contact depends merely on the effectual M/S barrier tallness, as given by ( Sze, 1982 ) ( 5.1 ) Where S is the contact country ; q, K and T are electronic charge, Boltzman invariable and temperature severally and is the Richardson invariable ( with a value of ~ 1.2 -105 Am-2T-2 for CdTe ) . is the opposition associated with the forepart metal/CdTe junction. Assuming RC & A ; lt ; 10? so ?C & A ; lt ; 0.1?cm2 and the corresponding upper bound for effectual barrier tallness is 0.38 electron volt. This is consistency with surveies of Al contacts on cleen vacuity cleaved surfaces of CdTe which yielded barrier highs of ~ 0.1 electron volt ( Patterson et al. , 1986 ) . About all the old probe emphasized tunneling as the primary mechanism for low contact electric resistance in n-CdTe. The present survey dose non govern out the importance of burrowing in making low contact electric resistance. However, it demonstrates that, depending on how much is lower than, thermionic emanation, instead than burrowing, may so be the primary cause for low contact electric resistance even in the tunnel contacts. If the surface intervention is really good, and the metal parametric quantity ( e.g. , metal thickness, metal deposition temperature, metal work map, metal combination, etc. ) are optimal, so may be significantly lower than. This, together with BGN and IFL can so play a important function for giving thermionic emanation based low contact electric resistance. 5.4 Decisions The undermentioned decisions can be reached from the surveies on the effects of tempering clip and temperature, ion plated technique and doping in scope of 2.5-1016-1-1019 cm?3 on I-V features of the Au/n-CdTe Schottky rectifying tubes. From Comparative survey of ion plated and doped samples of Au/n-CdTe Schottky rectifying tube, a additive relationship between the effectual barrier highs and ideality factors was found which shows that barrier tallness lessenings as ideality factor additions. As a consequence conduction additions. From which it can be concluded that: When n = 1 so all conveyance of negatron is from the top of the barrier and thermionic emanation current mechanism should be dominant. When 1 & A ; lt ; n & A ; lt ; 2, so burrowing current mechanism is dominant. When n = 2, so all conveyance is due to coevals and recombination current. When N & A ; gt ; 4 so there is non simple burrowing but step degree burrowing occurred. Gold contact formed to n-CdTe by vacuity vaporization output Schottky barriers with initial barrier tallness In surplus of 0.88eV. This reduced to 0.66-0.68 electron volt in a period of clip which is dependent on temperature. This decrease is found to be accompanied by a partial compensation of the sickly givers in the semiconducting material part near to the contact, a procedure which can be attributed to a discriminatory out diffusion of Cadmium from this part to the contact surface. It has been shown that the usage of simple vapour deposition on Au on n-type CdTe epilayers gave rectifying behavior with barrier tallness 0.9eV. A drastic alteration in barrier tallness was observed by the usage of ion-assisted plasma procedure, an ion etching clip of 20 sec to Au contact. This decrease in barrier tallness is attributed to the plasma- induced surface defects that contribute to the high conduction of the contact by moving as recombination centres along with multi measure degree burrowing centres. Consequence of doping in Au/n-CdTe Schottky rectifying tube shows that if n-CdTe is to a great extent doped with important conductivity set flexing near M/S interface, burrowing is possible through metal/CdTe contact. The semiconducting material part at the interface therefore becomes really thin leting an unhampered flow of negatrons via burrowing. But existent challenge to accomplishing low resistively contact by utilizing reasonably doped semiconducting materials. Many devices do so necessitate low electric resistance contacts without the load of heavy doping ( Noor Mohammad, 2004 ) Consequence of doping on I-V features of Au/n-CdTe shows that barrier breadth ( tungsten ) decreases with the increasing doping denseness in conformity with ( Eq.3.11 ) . The chief decision to be drawn from the comparative survey of I-V features of Au/n-CdTe Schottky rectifying tube, formed by the ion-plating procedure and doping consequence, leads to a much reduced contact opposition suggest that this might be a utile manner of farming stable and low opposition ( ohmic ) junction utilizing a lower work map metal ( e.g. , Al etc. ) suitable for thin movie MBE grown devices.

Saturday, November 9, 2019

Gary Stanley Becker

{draw:frame} THIS ASSIGNMENT IS WRITTEN FOR: PROF. ABDULLA LECTURER’S NAME VAISHNAVI GOPALAKRISHNAN STUDENTS NAME STUDENT ID 00114 MODULE * * : MANAGING ENVIRONMENT TITLE * * : INDIVIDUAL ASSIGNMENT *HAND-OUT-DATE : 06th* SEPTEMBER 2009 LECTURER * * : PROF. ABDULLA HAND-IN-DATE : 09*th* NOVEMBER 2009 MASTER OF BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION COHORT 14 SEM 1 ASSIGNMENT DECLARATION FORM I hereby declare that the attached assignment is my own work and understand that if I am suspected of plagiarism or another form of cheating; my work will be referred to the programmed director who may as a result recommend to the Faculty of business that my enrolment in the programmed be discontinued. SIGNATURE: _ NAME : VAISHNAVI GOPALAKRISHNAN STUDENT NO : 00114 ADDRESS : S1-12-19, SUTRAMAS APARTMENT, PUCHONG. TEL NO : 010- 2740280 SUBJECT : MANAGING ENVIRONMENT DUE DATE : 06th NOVEMBER 2009 LECTURER : PROF. ABDULLA ASSIGNMENT TITLE : INDIVIDUAL ASSIGNMENT DATE SUBMITTED : 09th NOVEMBER 2009 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS* * * I would like to begin this undertaking by thanking GOD, the most glorified, for providing me with all the strength and courage to complete this report successfully and on time. I am also extremely grateful to my ‘Managing Environment’ lecturer, PROF. ABDULLA for his time, patience and guidance throughout the making of this report. TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. 0 BIOGR APHY OF GARY STANLEY BECKER-ECONOMIC NOBLE LAUREATE: {draw:frame} BIRTH OF GARY STANLEY AND HIS EARLY STAGES IN LIFE: Gary Stanley Becker is an American economist and a Nobel laureate. He was born on December 2, 1930 in Pottsville, Pennsylvania. He did his elementary school and high school in Brooklyn. Until age sixteen he was more interested in sports than intellectual activities, but he had to choose one among them and finally decided to choose education, although he was better at sports. BECKER’S FAMILY: His father is a business man. His father had left school in Montreal after the 8th grade because he was eager to make money. His mother also left after the 8th grade because girls were not expected to get much education. He has two sisters, Wendy and Natalie, and one brother, Marvin. He married for the first time in 1954, and has two daughters from that marriage, Judy and Catherine He married for the second time in 1980 to Guity Nashat as his first wife died in 1970. This gave him two stepsons, Michael and Cyrus, to go with two daughters. Guity is the one who overcame his reluctance to do the Business Week columns. She is an historian of the Middle East with professional interests that overlap his own: on the role of women in economic and social life, and the causes of economic growth. The personal and professional compatibility she provided has made his life so much better. ROOT CAUSE OF THE REASON WHY BECKER ENTERED INTO THE ECONOMICS DEPARTMENT: His father encouraged him with political and financial news. After his father lost most of his sight, he had the task of reading him stock quotations and other reports on financial developments. Perhaps that stimulated his interest in economics, although he was rather bored by it. He had many lively discussions in the house about politics and justice. This explains why by the time he finished high school, his interest in mathematics was beginning to compete with a desire to do something useful for society. These two interests came together during his freshman year at Princeton, when he accidentally took a course in economics, and was greatly attracted by the mathematical rigor of a subject that dealt with social organization. HIS ACADEMIC EXCELLENCE: Becker completed his B. A in economics at Princeton University in the year 1953. He took a few extra courses during degree, and he chose reading courses in modern algebra and differential equations. He completed a Ph. D. at The University of Chicago in 1955. HOW THE INVOLVEMENT IN MATHEMETHICS HELPED IN HIS PROFESSION: Till now, his heavy investment in mathematics at Princeton prepared him well for the increasing use of mathematics in economics. He began to lose interest in economics during his senior (third) year because it did not seem to deal with important social problems. He contemplated transferring to sociology, but found that subject too difficult. Fortunately, he decided to go to the University of Chicago for graduate work in economics. HIS WORK WITH MILTON FRIEDMAN: He worked with Milton Friedman in 1951 on microeconomics which was the root cause of the excitement about economics. He came to know that economic theory was not a game played by clever academicians, but was a powerful tool to analyze the real world. His course was filled with insights both into the structure of economic theory and its application to practical and significant questions. That course and subsequent contacts with Friedman had a profound effect on the direction taken by his research. He used many of the economist’s theories in his various branch of research work. BECKER’S ACHIEVEMENTS: He published two articles in 1952, based on his research at Princeton. He published an article in 1957, which was written along with Friedman and a book based on his Ph. D. dissertation. He wrote a book on human capital which was his first research project for the National Bureau of Economic Research. He also wrote frequently cited articles on the allocation of time, crime and punishment, and irrational behavior. He began a workshop at Columbia on labor economics and related subjects. Becker along with George Stigler wrote two influential papers together: a controversial one on the stability of tastes, and an early treatment of the principle-agent problem. He had published a short paper on economics of politics in 1958. In the 1980s he published two articles that developed a theoretical model of the role of special interest groups in the political process. A series of articles in the 1970s culminated in 1981 in A Treatise on the Family, and a greatly expanded edition was published in 1991. Until 1985, he had published only technical books and technical articles in professional journals. He was asked to write a monthly column for Business Week magazine in about 800 words per column without using any technical jargons which interested the business and professional readers of the magazine. BECKER’S HONOURS: He has won the Seidman Award from presidency of the American Economic Association. He has won the first social science Award of Merit from the National Institute of Health. Becker won the John Bates Clark Award of the American Economic Association in 1967 and was president of that association in 1987. He was awarded the Nobel Prize in Economics in 1992 He received the United States' Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2007. HOW DID HE APPLY ECONOMICS TO THE SOCIAL ISSUES? The book which was published in 1957 contains the first systematic effort to use economic theory to analyze the effects of prejudice on the earnings, employment and occupations of minorities. It started him the path of applying economics to social issues, a path that he has continued to follow. The book was very favorably reviewed in a few major journals, but for several years it had no visible impact on anything. Most economists did not think racial discrimination was economics, and sociologists and psychologists generally did not believe he was contributing to their fields. However, Friedman, Lewis, Schultz, and others at Chicago were confident that he had written an important book. The reason for him to continue in economics was the people who supported him with willingness. HIS FIRST STEP IN TO THE PROFESSIONAL LIFE: After his third year of graduate study he became an Assistant Professor at Chicago. He had only few classes of teaching, so he could concentrate mainly on research. However, he felt that he would become more independent if he left the institution and concentrate only on the research. After three years in that position, he withdrew much larger salary from Chicago to take a similar appointment at Columbia combined with one at the National Bureau of Economic Research. For twelve years he divided his time between teaching at Columbia and doing research at the Bureau. HIS EXPERIENCE DURING THE DOCTORATE DEGREE IN CHICAGO UNIVERSITY: The workshop on labor economics and related subjects involved transplanting the workshop system of supervising doctoral research from Chicago – where it originated. After a few years, Jacob Mincer joined the Columbia department and became co-director of the workshop. They had a very exciting atmosphere and attracted most of the best students at Columbia. Both Mincer and Becker were doing research on human capital before this subject was adequately appreciated in the profession at large, and the students found it fascinating. They were also working on the allocation of time, and other subjects in the forefront of research. HIS FOCOUSED AREA OF WORK: Mainly he worked on the family after returning to Chicago. He had much earlier used economic theory to try to understand birth rates and family size. He now began to consider the whole range of family issues: marriage, divorce, altruism toward other members, investments by parents in children, and long term changes in what families do. He has tried not only to understand the determinants of divorce, family size, and the like, but also the effects of changes in family composition and structure on inequality and economic growth. Most of his research on the family, and that by students and faculty at Chicago and elsewhere was presented at the Workshop in Applications of Economics that Sherwin Rosen and Becker run. WAS HIS WORK BEEN RECOGNISED BY OTHER ECONOMISTS? For a long time his type of work was either ignored or strongly disliked by most of the leading economists. He was considered way out and perhaps not really an economist. But younger economists were more sympathetic. They may disagree with his analysis, but accept the kind of problems, studied as perfectly legitimate. HIS SECOND STEP IN TO THE PROFESSIONAL LIFE: In 1983, the Sociology Department at Chicago offered him a joint appointment. He was happy to accept because this was an outstanding department. James Coleman and Becker shortly thereafter began an interdisciplinary faculty seminar on rational choice in the social sciences that has been far more successful than they anticipated. 2. 0 * *BECKER’S CONTRIBUTION TO ECONOMICS: MAJOR APPLICATION OF BECKER’S MODEL TO DIFFERENR TYPES OF HUMAN BEHAVIOUR: Investments in human capital; Behavior of the family (or household), including distribution of work and allocation of time in the family; Crime and punishment; and Discrimination on the markets for labor and goods. INVESTMENTS IN HUMAN CAPITAL: Gary Becker's most noteworthy contribution is perhaps to be found in the area of human capital, i. e. , human competence, and the consequences of investments in human competence. The theory of human capital is considerably older than Becker's work in this field. His foremost achievement is to have formulated and formalized the microeconomic foundations of the theory. In doing so, he has developed the human-capital approach into a general theory for determining the distribution of labor income. The predictions of the theory with respect to the wage structure have been formulated in so-called human-capital- earnings functions, which specify the relation between earnings and human capital. These contributions were first presented in some articles in the early 1960s and were developed further, both theoretically and empirically, in his book, Human Capital, written in 1964. The theory of human capital has created a uniform and generally applicable analytical framework for studying not only the return on education and on-the-job training, but also wages differentials and wage profiles over time. Other important applications, pursued by various economists, include a breakdown into components of the factors underlying economic growth, migration, as well as investments and earnings in the health sector. The human-capital approach also helps explain trade patterns across countries; in fact, differences in the supply of human capital among countries have been shown to have more explanatory power than differences in the supply of real capital. HOUSEHOLD AND FAMILY: Gary Becker has carried out an even more radical extension of the applicability of economic theory in his analysis of relations among individuals outside of the market system. The most notable example is his analysis of the functions of the family. These studies are summarized in his book, A Treatise on the Family, written in 1981. A basic idea in Becker's analysis is that a household can be regarded as a â€Å"small factory† which produces what he calls basic goods, such as meals, a residence, entertainment, etc. , using time and input of ordinary market goods, â€Å"semi-manufactures†, which the household purchases on the market. In this type of analysis, prices of basic goods have two components. st is comprised of the direct costs of purchasing intermediate goods on the market. 2nd is the time expenditure for production and consumption of the good in question for a specific good, Time expenditure ? wages ? time spent per unit of the good produced in the household. This implies that an increase in the wage of one member of the household gives rise not only to changed incentives for work on the market, but also to a shift from more to less time-intensive product on and consumption of goods produced by the household, i. e. , basic goods. Instead of an analysis in terms of the traditional dichotomy between work and leisure, Becker's model provides a general theory for the household's allocation of time, as exemplified in the essay, A Theory of the Allocation of Time, from 1965. This approach has turned out to be a highly useful foundation for examining many different issues associated with household behavior. Becker has gone even further. He has formulated a general theory for behavior of the family – including not only the distribution of work and the allocation of time in the family, but also decisions regarding marriage, divorce and children. As real wages increase, along with the possibilities of substituting capital for labor in housework, labor is released in the household, so that it becomes more and more uneconomical to let one member of the household specialize wholly in household production (for instance, child care). As a result, some of the family's previous social and economic functions are shifted to other institutions such as firms, schools and other public agencies. Becker has argued that these processes explain not only the increase in married women's job participation outside the home, but also the rising tendency toward divorce. Alongside Becker's analysis of the distribution of labor and allocation of time in the household, his most influential contribution in the context of the household and the family is probably his studies on fertility, which were initiated in an essay entitled, An Economic Analysis of Fertility, 1960. Parents are assumed to have preferences regarding both the number and educational level of their children, where the educational level is affected by the amount of time and other resources that parents spend on their children. Investments in children's human capital may then be derived as a function of income and prices. As wages rise, parents increase their investments in human capital, combined with a decrease in the number of children. Becker uses this theory to explain, for example, the historical decline in fertility in industrialized countries, as well as the variations in fertility among different countries and between urban and rural areas. In particular, the highly extensive family policy in Sweden, to which Becker often refers, suggests the merits of an economic approach to the analysis of these issues. Gary Becker's ideas have dominated research in the economics of the family, shaping the tools we use, the questions we ask, and the answers we give. The foundational assumptions of Becker's economic approach to the family — maximizing behavior and equilibrium — as well as such primary auxiliary assumptions as household production and interdependent preferences, are now widely accepted not only by economists but also by family sociologists, demographers, and others who study the family. Yet the interesting and provocative implications of Becker's economic approach to the family do not follow from the foundational assumptions or from the primary auxiliary assumptions. Instead they depend on contested auxiliary assumptions to which neoclassical economics has no commitment and which lack empirical support. CRIME AND PUNISHMENT: The third area where Gary Becker has applied the theory of rational behavior and human capital is â€Å"crime and punishment†. A criminal, with the exception of a limited number of psychopaths, is assumed to react to different stimuli in a predictable (â€Å"rational†) way, both with respect to returns and costs, such as in the form of expected punishment. Instead of regarding criminal activity as irrational behavior associated with the specific psychological and social status of an offender, criminality is analyzed as rational behavior under uncertainty. These ideas are set forth, for example, in Becker's essay, Crime and Punishment: An Economic Approach, 1968, and in Essays in the Economics of Crime and Punishment, 1974. Empirical studies related to this approach indicate that the type of crime committed by a certain group of individuals may to a large extent be explained by an individual's human capital (and hence, education). These empirical studies have also shown that the probability of getting caught has a more deterrent effect on criminality than the term of the punishment. Becker's analysis of time allocation is by no means confined to legal activities; it includes various forms of crime. In a seminal paper (Becker, 1968) it was argued that crime is not an aberration outside the scope of rational analysis, but rather the predictable outcome of opportunities for gain. He argues that a decision to engage in illegal activity is the outcome of an individualistic calculus; benefits and costs (both monetary and non-monetary) are weighed up, and the individual makes a decision which reflects the expected balance of them. One way to conceptualize decisions of this kind is as a rather special kind of investment activity. Many of the crucial decision variables-probability of apprehension and conviction, likely punishment, alternative earnings possibilities in legitimate occupations – are empirically observable, and hence their effect on observed crime rates can in principle be tested. As usual Becker's contribution has mainly been to analyze and suggest possibilities for hypothesis testing, but his graduate students and other interested economists have been quick to pick up the challenge. In the last decade a good deal of evidence has been accumulated to support the plausibility of Becker's contention that criminal behavior responds to changes in costs and benefits. Unusually for Becker, the argument is couched throughout in normative terms. The model of criminal behavior put forward is devised to be used in conjunction with cost functions for law enforcement and a simple social welfare function in order to generate conclusions about the optimal levels of policy variables such as the extent of enforcement, type of punishment and perhaps even what should e a crime. Becker is not, however, arguing for major policy changes. Given the behavioral responses to legal and illegal incentives which he discerns, and given the costs and benefits of enforcement and punishment programs, he suspects that the authorities, at least in the USA, get things roughly right – perhaps a surprising conclusion, given his scepticism of the efficacy of the government action in other spher es. There seem to be two main weaknesses to Becker's arguments. The first is the assumption of social homogeneity implicit in the notion of a social welfare function, when it is widely held (not least among economists) that some groups of the population have greater political power than others, leading to legislation and enforcement patterns which reflect the influence of sectional interests. Secondly, it is difficult not to feel that Becker's enthusiasm for the economic approach does tend at times to run away with him. Although differences in incomes and assets, alternative earnings possibilities, probabilities of conviction and so forth are much more important in determining behavior than they are often given credit for, there are surely variations in attitudes and degrees of honesty which affect the propensity to commit crimes even among individuals facing similar economic circumstances. While Becker would accept this, by implication he regards them as not particularly significant, possibly assuming that such variations in ‘tastes' are randomly distributed. ECONOMIC DISCRIMINATION: Another example of Becker's unconventional application of the theory of rational, optimizing behavior is his analysis of discrimination on the basis of race, sex, etc. This was Becker's first significant research contribution, published in his book entitled, The Economics of Discrimination, 1957. Discrimination is defined as a situation where an economic agent is prepared to incur a cost in order to refrain from an economic transaction, or from entering into an economic contract, with someone who is characterized by traits other than his/her own with respect to race or sex. Becker demonstrates that such behavior, in purely analytical terms, acts as a â€Å"tax wedge† between social and private economic rates of return. The explanation is that the discriminating agent behaves as if the price of the good or service purchased from the discriminated agent were higher than the price actually paid, and the selling price to the discriminated agent is lower than the price actually obtained. Discrimination thus tends to be economically detrimental not only to those who are discriminated against, but also to those who practice discrimination. Although Becker's writings range far and wide; we can trace a logical development and a methodological consistency in his work. The signs are there in his first major publication, The Economics of Discrimination (Becker, 1957, 1971). This monograph, based on his doctoral thesis, appeared when Becker was 27. By his own account, it was ‘greeted with indifference or hostility' by fellow economists. Given the intellectual atmosphere of the mid-1950s this is probably explicable. The book starts from the position that economic inequality between two groups – blacks and whites, women and men or whatever -is not of itself evidence of discrimination in a market economy. In such an economy, variations in earnings, for instance, can be expected to occur between individuals or groups on a systematic basis, reflecting variations in marginal productivity and hours worked. What is needed is to separate out differentials due to variations in such factors as education, skills and job experience, in order to leave a residual due to ‘pure' discrimination, Becker's primary concern. To this end, Becker defines a ‘market discrimination coefficient', Which in principle would measure the extent of this residual? What Becker is attempting to show is that ‘pure' discrimination is simply a special kind of taste which, like the taste for apples or (Becker's pre-Women's Lib example) Hollywood actresses, can be analyzed in economic terms. As with these other commodities, ‘pure' discrimination's consumption is conditional upon variables such as income and price. The – highly controversial – point that Becker is making is that discrimination in this sense is not, as is usually assumed, a means of raising the discriminator's money income, but actually imposes costs on the discriminator as well as the party discriminated against. Where discrimination exists, then, the discriminator is evidently willing to pay these costs in exchange for the benefit of indulging a taste. The argument rests on a clever analogy with international trade. Suppose there are two economies, Whiteland and Backland, which initially do not engage in trade. Within each country, however, perfect competition is the rule. This means, as the neoclassical textbooks tell us, that the incomes of owners of factors of production will reflect relative factor scarcities. Thus in Whiteland, where labor is assumed to be scarce and capital abundant, wages will be relatively high and rates of profit will be relatively low. By contrast, Backland (where labor is abundant and capital scarce) is characterized by low wages and high rates of profit. If trade and factor mobility are now permitted, theory predicts that labor and capital movements will occur, so that the long-run result is that profit rates and wage rates will each be equalized in the two economies. As a result of resources moving from areas where their marginal productivity is low to those where it is high, total ‘world’ output is increased. The analogy is obvious, and the conclusion important: just as both of these ‘countries' can in principle gain from trade and mobility, so can both blacks and whites in an economy gain from the absence of discrimination, which in this context seems equivalent to some form of trade barrier, 3 or, to put it differently, both blacks and white can lose from discrimination. Lack of space precludes the detailed examination of the implications of Becker's argument, and indeed of the many objections which have been raised to it. Most of these objections have centered on the assumption of perfect competition in his model: if such a condition is dropped, optimal tariff theory suggests that in some cases discrimination (while reducing total output) could increase the income of the discriminating group, which would undermine Becker's whole analysis. Becker, however, is clearly aware of this criticism, and it is instructive to see why he must reject it. He believes that so pervasive a phenomenon as discrimination cannot be adequately explained by market imperfections – for market imperfections, most Chicago economists agree, disappear in the long run. In Becker's first important publication, two central features of his work: the insistence on using given preferences, costs and incomes to define a situation where individuals make decisions, and the concern with long-run equilibrium. THE ECONOMIST AS EMPIRE-BUILDER: Few contemporary economists have done as much to extend the generality and range of economic theorizing as Professor Gary S. Becker of the University of Chicago. With the exception of one or two papers written as a graduate student, all Becker's publications have applied economic reasoning to aspects of human behavior which have usually been classified as outside the scope of economics, at least since the discipline started to give itself scientific airs in the latter years of the nineteenth century. These scientific pretensions were associated with the introduction of mathematical techniques from the fields of physics and mechanics, often by professionals trained in those disciplines; many economists then, and not a few since, resented the intrusion of these alien elements. Similarly, Becker's intrepid expeditions into the jealously-guarded territories of sociology, political science, demography, criminology and biology have encountered considerable resistance. While it is too early to forecast the ultimate outcome of these imperialistic excursions, the increasing numbers of economists eager to join Becker in search of plunder have already forced some of the initially-scandalized natives to come to a modus Vivendi with the intruding barbarians. Areas for co-operation rather than conflict are earnestly being sought, as we shall note later. FERTILITY: Becker's next important foray into sociological country was to be a paper on the economics of fertility written for the National Bureau of Economic Research (1960b). Although political economy was once closely involved with demography (witness Malthus's famous essay), for much of this century the study of population was firmly in the hands of sociologists and un-theoretical number-crunchers. A few tentative attempts had been made to relate birth rates to economic variables, but Becker's paper went way beyond this. Here the decision to have children is firmly incorporated within the familiar framework of neoclassical economics. More particularly, Becker adopts the startling and controversial position that children are in important respects analogous to consumer durables such as automobiles, TV sets and dishwashers; thus the economic theory which has proved fruitful in relation to these commodities can be applied equally to human beings. He argues that, at least under modern conditions, the raising of children involves a net cost to their parents. Yet people do continue to have children, despite the availability of effective contraception. Thus if people choose to have children it is because they obtain sufficient utility to compensate for the costs involved. These costs include such obvious things as food, clothing and schooling. Perhaps more importantly, however, they also include costs in terms of parental time, a scarce commodity which has alternative uses. Indeed, if one alternative is to use this time in the labor market, a value (its ‘opportunity cost' in the jargon) can be put on it which will indicate that a very large proportion of the total costs of childrearing is accounted for by parental time. The existence of these net costs indicates that children are some form of consumer good; their spread over time indicates we are dealing with a consumer durable. They therefore have to compete with other consumer durables for a limited share of the household budget: more children means less hi-fi equipment or a smaller car. Once this rather bizarre comparison is admitted, it opens up the likelihood that decisions to have children will be affected by such variables as their ‘price' (in terms of alternatives foregone) and the size of the household budget. As we have indicated, Becker accepts Friedman's view that the usefulness of a hypothesis depends on its ability to explain or predict. So how does Becker's approach fare in this respect? Straightaway we are confronted with a problem. Broadly speaking, the demand for consumer durables tends to rise with income; on Becker's reasoning we might expect the demand for children to follow a similar pattern. Yet there is much evidence to suggest that family size declines with income. How does Becker handle this apparent refutation of his approach? Are babies’ inferior goods? One argument Becker offers in order to resolve this difficulty is interesting in the light of his later work. This is the argument that the cost of rearing children tends to rise with family income, largely as a result of the higher opportunity cost of parental time. At any particular moment better-off families tend to be better educated and thus to have greater earning power; over time, all earnings tend to rise as income rises. The argument can be illustrated diagrammatically. In Figure 1, an increase in income-illustrated by a parallel outward shift of the budget constraint -leads to increases in the ‘consumption' of both competing consumer durables and babies, if the relative price of these commodities remains constant. At the point of tangency between a new (higher) indifference curve and the new budget constraint, more babies (B2) are chosen. If, however, the increased income results largely from higher wages paid to family members (a highly plausible assumption), this will raise the opportunity cost of time spent on rearing children, and thus increase their relative price. The budget constraint pivots, as in Figure 2, and the new preferred combination of babies and other consumer durables may involve a smaller desired family size. draw:frame} It is ingenious, if not altogether convincing There is a suspicion that evidence Becker uses to support his arguments is highly selective, and moreover some of the generalizations he makes are amenable to alternative interpretations: for instance the observed inverse relation between education and family size could have nothing to do with the opportunity cost of parental time, but a lot to do with the different values and attitudes education might be expecte d to inculcate. However Becker's approach is more plausible in relation to short-term variations in fertility; economic factors seem far more significant here than ad hoc changes of tastes. In his approach empirical generalizations are linked to a broader theoretical framework; this is why, like it or not, it has stimulated so much further work in this field. THE ALLOCATION OF TIME: We have seen something of the emphasis which Becker places on the value of time in his analysis of economic behavior. This concern led to an important article which generalized the question of time allocation and simultaneously provided a basis for the reformulation of standard Consumer theory (Becker 1965). Before Becker, the established way to deal with time in the context of consumer theory was to concentrate on a simple dichotomy between work and leisure. Work meant paid work in the labor market, by means of which individuals were able to obtain market-produced goods and services, which were the objectives of economic activity. In this context, leisure clearly has an opportunity cost, the goods and services foregone by not working. If individuals choose not to work all the hours they could, this must be because leisure itself is a ‘good', some of which is consumed in preference to other goods. Thus leisure can be incorporated into standard analysis very easily, and from the time spent on leisure, we can deduce its complement, the time spent working. Thus the supply of labor is linked to the demand for goods. Becker however takes the view that time has more than two uses. Certainly, as in the traditional approach, time can be used in the labor market. It can also, however, be used in many types of non-paid work (housework, do-it-yourself etc. . Furthermore all consumption takes time too. He suggests therefore that we abandon leisure as a separate category: all ‘leisure' involves some ‘consumption' and all ‘consumption' involves some ‘leisure'. Instead of a choice between consumer goods and leisure, the relevant choice is taken to be that between various ‘consumption activities ' which use different combinations of market-produced goods and services (which have to be purchased with funds largely acquired through the sale of labor time in the market) and time spent in â€Å"household production†. Becker argues that instead of a choice between paid work and leisure we should analyze a choice between ‘high time' activities (like a home-prepared meal) and ‘low time' activities (like the purchase and consumption of a hamburger). The choice set is ultimately constrained by the limited time we have available, and the productivity of this time in its various uses. If all our available time were to be allocated to paid work, the value of the time in this use is termed (on Friedman's suggestion) ‘full income'. Some of the ‘full income', however, will normally be used for consumption and domestic production, using as complementary inputs in the domestic production process goods which are purchased with the proceeds of paid work. All the predictions obtained from the standard theory can be obtained in this framework as well; for instance changes in the wage rate alter the slope of the full income budget constraint, while increases in non-work income shift the constraint outwards – in each case we would expect the allocation of time to be affected whether we apply the Becker analysis or the traditional approach. But in addition Becker's method allows further influences to be incorporated. Thus a change in the technology of household production – the development of labor-saving gadgets -economizes on time spent in domestic work. People buy more gadgets and ‘spend' less time on housework; the gadgets can of course be purchased by ‘spending' some of the time saved working in the labor market. The relevance of this analysis to such phenomena as the rising labor-force participation of married women should be clear. Similarly transport improvements economize on time and can be expected to affect labor supply. The approach also has the incidental benefit of providing a theoretical basis for the classification of goods as substitutes or complements: when goods are no longer seen as the final sources of utility but rather as inputs in a household production process, it is rather easier to see why the consumption of certain commodities is linked. {draw:frame} Figure 2: The ends-means spectrum reflected by Becker’s work Becker’s theory of time and consumption does establish new theory, in that it proposes an alternate model to the then-accepted economic model of consumption (Becker proposes consumption be treated as a form of production). In this regard, Becker breaks the ground for new theory. MARRIAGE: Another of Becker's path breaking ventures is his development of an economic theory of marriage (1973, 1974), part of a growing literature on the economics of the family stimulated by his work and that of Theodore Schultz-on fertility and human capital. Once Becker's method is understood, the relevance of his approach to the institution of marriage becomes apparent. Here is a major and persistent phenomenon with ramifications in every economy. Whatever the precise legal arrangements, the majority of adult humans have ‘married' throughout recorded history. Individuals (or their parents in some cultures) choose amongst competing potential spouses in an attempt to maximize utility, measured in Becker's terms by the consumption of household-produced commodities of the kind discussed earlier. The ubiquity of marriage suggests to Becker that male and female labor is complementary in certain types of household production, notably the rearing of the partners’ own children. An individual marries when the expected gain from a partnership exceeds the expected cost of marriage in terms of the alternatives foregone (staying single or marrying the next best alternative spouse). Because of imperfect information, individuals engage in search. This is costly, and therefore individuals may eventually settle for spouses with less than ideal characteristics. Or they may engage in bargaining to achieve compensatory concessions; these may include sums of money (dowries etc. ) or behavioral commitments (promises to give up fishing). In Becker's view, however, there is sufficient freedom of choice and sufficient information to ensure an equilibrium where there is a Pareto-optimal sorting of partners (any rearrangement of couples could only increase some individuals' utility at the cost of reducing that of other individuals). The use of the household production approach as an analytical framework may seem simply an economist's joke, an intellectual game; certainly some of its conclusions seem banal. But it does throw up interesting predictions which other methodologies do not. For instance the approach predicts that gains from marriage-and therefore, presumably, the probability of marriage -will be greater for couples between whom there is a considerable variation in earning power, basically because there are greater ‘gains from trade' within such a marriage if one partner specializes in paid work and the other in household production. The analysis is developed further to incorporate non-selfish motives for entering marriage. ‘Caring' for the partner is introduced: in the model this means that the individual's utility function includes the partner's consumption as well as his or her own. This is shown to affect the allocation of output produced by the marriage and increase the potential gains from it. The analysis is also linked to earlier work Becker produced on charity and social interaction. Again the model is not tested in a systematic way and we occasionally get the impression that the anecdotal ‘evidence' adduced is of slight value. However Becker has produced another paper which tests some of the ancillary predictions of the theory with reference to data on marital instability. For instance, the approach suggests that major changes in the variables on which potential spouses make their decisions to marry will make them reconsider their decisions; if divorce is cheap, marital dissolution may follow. This appears to be the case. For example, where earnings are unexpectedly higher or lower than originally anticipated, the probability of divorce increases. The amount of time spent in search is also related to marital instability; those marrying young, on the basis of limited information about the characteristics of their partner and available alternatives are particularly liable to divorce. There is, then, something to be said for the approach. While it cannot explain all aspects of marriage, it does at least suggest that human mating behavior is less tightly constrained by biological and institutional factors than is often suggested. THE METHODOLOGY: From the material surveyed so far it is possible to infer the common elements of Becker's methodological program. He has however provided us with an essay (Becker, 1976b) which spells out his approach and offers a vigorous defense of it. In his view, his method is applicable to all human behavior; its core is ‘the combined assumptions of maximizing behavior, market equilibrium and stable preferences, used relentlessly and unflinchingly' (Becker, 1976b, p. 5). Consider these assumptions in turn. MAXIMISATION: The individual, we have seen, is assumed to maximize utility subject to a budget constraint which, although taking a different form to the traditional one, is nevertheless closely related to it -indeed, subsumes it as a special case. It is important to note that this is not necessarily ‘rationality' in the everyday sense of the term: it is not necessarily self-interest, nor are the sources of utility necessarily market goods and services. Becker has suggested that social distinction can be a source of utility, and he has gone so far as to claim (Becker, 1962) that even apparently random behavior by individuals can lead to the basic prediction of downward-sloping demand curve which is at the heart of economic reasoning. Behind the maximizing impulse, Becker has suggested, there ultimately lies the principle of natural selection. In a paper (Becker, 1976a) concerned with the origins of altruism he has expressed approval of the new science of sociobiology, arguing that a synthesis of economic reasoning and natural selection can explain the dominance of maximizing behavior. He also suggests that the basic tastes which determine preference patterns can be attributed to natural selection. The principle of maximization must be maintained as a central analytical device. ‘When an apparently profitable opportunity †¦ is not exploited' we should not ‘take refuge in assertions about irrationality, contentment †¦ r convenient ad hoc shifts in values' (Becker, 1976b, p. 7). Instead we should look for hidden costs -such as transaction costs, or costs of acquiring information-which render such opportunities unprofitable. This seems dangerously close to tautology, but the test, as good Chicago economists always tell us, is the predictive power of the hypotheses generated and Becker is optimistic on thi s score. _MARKET EQUILIBIRIUM: _we have already seen the importance of this in Becker's approach. Even where explicit markets do not exist-as in the case of marriage – Becker insists that we operate on Chicago ‘as if principles. Note that Becker's approach throughout is to use partial equilibrium analysis. He has written with approval of Marshall's development of this apparatus for taking one problem at a time for analysis. This is revealing when we consider his usual reluctance to enter the arena of normative economics. The tradition of general equilibrium analysis instigated by Walras is associated with the normative position that unfettered competitive capitalism tends to produce an optimal allocation of resources. To do this it paints a grossly oversimplified picture of an economy without any of the subtleties of Becker's approach. Once we admit Becker's contention that preferences are based on home-produced commodities which are not sold in a market of the normal kind, it is less obvious that the traditional prescription of generalized laissez-faire is the appropriate one. The implications of Becker's approach for general equilibrium remain to be determined. STABLE-PREFERENCES: We have seen how fixed ‘tastes' play an important role in Becker's analysis. Such tastes are tastes for consumption activities rather than goods themselves, however, and this is a considerable step forward from the traditional view. Becker has, though, gone further than this, and in a paper written with George Stigler (Becker and Stigler, 1977) has tentatively sketched a theory of taste formation. As already suggested, some basic ‘tastes' are probably biologically determined, but the behavioral form they take in a complex society needs further explanation. Becker and Stigler introduce an interesting model where tastes are learnt by exposure to new xperiences – a special form of ‘learning by doing'. Individuals repeatedly exposed to a stimulus acquire, as it were, ‘consumption capital', a body of knowledge and attitudes which raises the ‘marginal productivity' of consumption of the good in question, thus increasing demand for it. Within this framework the success of advertising can be rationalized and some kind of explanation can be offered for the increasing stability of tastes as people get older -they are ‘locked into' their accumulated consumption capital, and their reduced ‘pay-off period' (life expectancy) discourages further ‘investment'. Again, this is all rather fanciful, but it illustrates once more the tenacity of Becker's commitment to the economic approach and his refusal to concede that economics might not have anything to say about some social phenomenon. ROTTEN KID THEOREM: Gary Becker’s rotten kid theorem suggests that family members, even if they are selfish, will act to help one another if their financial incentives are properly linked. Gary Stanley Becker (born December 2, 1930) is an American economist. †¦ Becker creates a hypothetical situation in which children will receive gifts of money income from a wealthy, altruistic parent in order to make them happy. One of the kids is a selfish, â€Å"rotten† kid who would take pleasure in harming his sibling. The theorem posits that the rotten kid has an incentive to avoid hurting his sibling, and will in fact behave in such a way as to increase her happiness, because her happiness has a direct effect on the amount of money he will receive. Without creating any formal incentive structure, the altruistic parent can induce the rotten child to behave benevolently by making his welfare contingent upon the welfare of his sibling. Altruism is alternately a belief, a practice, a habit, or an ethical doctrine. †¦ The theorem suggests that parents should delay gifts of money to their children until they are older, or possibly until after they die. If parents plan to will their children money in accordance with their needs, each child will have an incentive to help his siblings maximize their income, because higher earnings by the other siblings will mean that more of the money will be given to the rotten sibling. ORGAN MARKETS: An article by Gary Becker and Julio Elias on â€Å"Introducing Incentives in the market for Live and Cadaveric Organ Donations† said that a free market could help solve the problem of a scarcity in organ transplants. Their economic modeling was able to estimate the price tag for human kidneys ($15,000) and human livers ($32,000). It is argued by critics, that this particular market would exploit the underprivileged donors from the developing world. This view was endorsed by the National Kidney Foundation in a testimony to the US Congress where Dr Francis Delmonico argued that â€Å"†¦ a US congressional endorsement for payment would propel other countries to sanction unethical and unjust standards†¦ Another concern is that, if a market for organ donations were introduced, then organs would oftentimes go to the patients most able to afford them, rather than patients who may have more need for them medically. POLITICAL VIEWS: Successful social economy organizations can play an important role in helping deliver many key governmental policy objectives by: helping to drive up productivity and competitiveness; contributing to socially inclusive wealth creation; enabling individuals and commu nities to work towards regenerating their local neighborhoods; showing new ways to deliver public services; and Helping to develop an inclusive society and active citizenship. CONTROVERSY: The horizontal axis: On the horizontal axis each enterprise / organization is categorized by its ownership. On the left side the ownership lies with the public authorities whereas on the right side the ownership lies with private people. So the distinctive feature is the ownership of the enterprise. Is it private? Def. : The term â€Å"private industry† contains all economic activity that deals with the capital of one or many private owners with a view to making profits. The capital owners bear the risk. Or is it public? Def. The term â€Å"public authorities† contains all economic activity where the public authorities possess the capital on either European, federal, regional or local level. That includes all nationalized and public industries. The vertical axis On the vertical axis, each enterprise / organization is categorized by the primary objective of the enterprise. The dimensions range b etween social purpose on the top and commercial purpose at the bottom of the axis. On the vertical axis an organization reaches the top, i. e. the social purpose is the primary objective of the enterprise, if you fulfill the following criteria: A Ethical concept** core definition for enterprises / organizations of the social economy) This core definition is the ideal of an enterprise / organization. Only these enterprises / organizations belong to the social economy whose ideal is a clearly defined ethical concept. B Mission The primary objective of the enterprise is the improvement of the life situation and the chances of disadvantaged people as well as social cohesion and support. C Social economic creation of value and appropriation of earnings the profits and the resources are verifiably reinvested for the benefit of disadvantaged people. If the criteria A, B and C are totally fulfilled, an organization can locate itself on top of the vertical axis. There is one last criterion which is not definitional but a describing feature: D Intermediary function Social economical enterprises / organizations have an intermediary function between public and private. If none of the criteria above is fulfilled or the primary object of the enterprise is the commercial purpose then an enterprise / organization is located on the bottom of the vertical axis. Location between social and commercial purpose If the criteria above are only partly fulfilled the enterprise is located between the top and the bottom of the vertical axis according to its self-definition. 3. 0 EFFECT OF GARY BECKER’S CONTRIBUTION TO THE PAST AND CURRENT WORLD ECONOMY: An important step in extending the traditional analysis of individual rational choice is to incorporate into the theory a much richer class of attitudes, preferences, and calculations. This step is prominent in all the examples that Gary Becker consider. The analysis of discrimination includes in preferences a dislike of – prejudice against – members of particular groups, such as blacks or women. In deciding whether to engage in illegal activities, potential criminals are assumed to act as if they consider both the gains and the risks – including the likelihood they will be caught and severity of punishments. In human capital theory, people rationally evaluate the benefits and costs of activities, such as education, training, and expenditures on health, migration, and formation of habits that radically alter the way they are. The economic approach to the family assumes that even intimate decisions like marriage, divorce, and family size are reached through weighing the advantages and disadvantages of alternative actions. The weights are determined by preferences that critically depend on the altruism and feelings of duty and obligation toward family members. Since the economic, or rational choice, approach to behavior builds on a theory of individual decisions, criticisms of this theory usually concentrate on particular assumptions about how these decisions are made. Among other things, critics deny that individuals act consistently over time and question whether behavior is forward-looking, particularly in situations that 52 Economic Sciences 1992 differ significantly from those usually considered by economists – such as those involving criminal, addictive, family, or political behavior. This is not the place to go into a detailed response to the criticisms, so Gary Becker simply assert that no approach of comparable generality has yet been developed that offers serious competition to rational choice theory. While the economic approach to behavior builds on a theory of individual choice, it is not mainly concerned with individuals. It uses theory at the micro level as a powerful tool to derive implications at the group or macro level. Rational individual choice is combined with assumptions about technologies and other determinants of opportunities, equilibrium in market and nonmarket situations, and laws, norms, and traditions to obtain results concerning the behavior of groups. It is mainly because the theory derives implications at the macro level that it is of interest to policymakers and those studying differences among countries and cultures. None of the theories considered in Gary Becker’s lecture aims for the greatest generality; instead, each tries to derive concrete mplications about behavior that can be tested with survey and other data. Disputes over whether punishments deter crime, whether the lower earnings of women compared to men are mainly due to discrimination or lesser human capital, or whether no-fault divorce laws increase divorce rates all raise questions about the empirical relevance of predictions derived from a theory based on individual rationality. A close relation between theory a nd empirical testing helps prevent both the theoretical analysis and the empirical research from becoming sterile. Empirically oriented theories encourage the development of new sources and types of data, the way human capital theory stimulated the use of survey data, especially panels. At the same time, puzzling empirical results force changes in theory, as models of altruism and family preferences have been enriched to cope with the finding that parents in Western countries tend to bequeath equal amounts to different children. Gary Becker has been impressed by how many economists want to work on social issues rather than issues forming the traditional core of economics. At the same time, specialists from fields that do consider social questions are often attracted to the economic way of modeling behavior because of the analytical power provided by the assumption of individual rationality. Thriving schools of rational choice theorists and empirical researchers are active in sociology, law, political science, history, anthropology, and psychology. The rational choice model provides the most promising basis presently available for a unified approach to the analysis of the social world by scholars from the social sciences. Becker's economic approach to the family is often believed to imply that certain types of targeted government policies cannot affect allocation within families because they will be fully neutralized by individuals' responses. For example, the altruist model and the Rotten Kid Theorem imply that which parent receives the child benefit must be irrelevant. But I would like to argue earlier that the interesting implications of the economic approach to the family do not follow from maximizing behavior and equilibrium, the foundational assumptions of the economic approach, but depend on contested auxiliary assumptions. For example, the conclusion that parents will neutralize the child benefit depends on the assumption that family collective choice is determined by the altruist model and that preferences exhibit transferrable utility. Whether these auxiliary assumptions are described as primary, secondary, or tertiary, is a matter of taste. Becker's influence on welfare reform and other specific policies is difficult to assess. In the final paragraph of the General Theory, Keynes famously asserted that, in the long run, ideas are more important than vested interests in public policy: †¦ he ideas of economists and political philosophers, both when they are right and When they are wrong, are more powerful than is commonly understood. Indeed, the World is ruled by little else. Practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt From any intellectual influences, are usually the slaves of some defunct economist? Madmen in authority, who hear voices in the air, are distilling their frenzy from s ome academic scribbler of a few years back. Becker's influence on the economics of the family has been pervasive. His ideas have dominated research in the economics of the family, shaping the tools we use, the questions we ask, and the answers we give. I can testify to their influence on my own thinking, work, and career. The foundational assumptions of the economic approach –maximizing behavior and equilibrium — as well as such primary auxiliary assumptions as household production and interdependent preferences are now widely accepted not only by economists but also by family sociologists, demographers, and others who study the family. Some of the differences between Becker's original vision and the current state of the economics of the family reflect the evolution of Becker's ideas, sometimes in response to his critics. Other differences reflect ongoing and often vigorous debate. For example, Becker jettisoned stable preferences, which he originally presented as a foundational assumption and dropped his insistence on deferential preferences (â€Å"altruism†), acknowledging the importance of merit goods. With household production, the basic concept is now generally accepted but the secondary and tertiary auxiliary assumptions about household technology are contested. More specifically, Becker's formulation of the household production model assumes the absence of joint production, and some of his most striking conclusions depend on this assumption, yet joint production is present whenever individuals care how they spend their time. No one can predict with confidence the irection the economics of the family will take over the next twenty-five or fifty years. After all, economists took nearly two centuries to unpack Adam Smith's contributions and establish the conditions under which the conclusions of the invisible hand theorem hold. Perhaps economists unpacking Becker's contributions will move more quickly. Those who complete the task will surely honor Gary Becker for laying the foundations of the economic approach to the family. Organ market view was endorsed by the National Kidney Foundation in a testimony to the US Congress where Dr Francis Delmonico argued that â€Å"†¦ a US congressional endorsement for payment would propel other countries to sanction unethical and unjust standards†¦ † Another concern is that, if a market for organ donations were introduced, then organs would oftentimes go to the patients most able to afford them, rather than patients who may have more need for them medically. REFERENCES: http://en. ikipedia. org/wiki/Gary_Becker http://en. wikipedia. org/wiki/Social_economics http://www. google. com. my/search? hl=en&source=hp&q=rotten+kid+theorem&meta=&aq=0&oq=rotten+kid+ https://netfiles. uiuc. edu/chnelson/www/teaching/ace501/rottenkid07. pdf http://en. wikipedia. org/wiki/Nobel_Prize_in_Economics http://en. wikipedia. org/wiki/Human_capital http://home. uchicago. edu/~gbecker/Nobel/nobel. html http://www. faqs. org/abstracts/Economics/Risks-and-rewards-Gary-Beckers- contributions-to-economics. tml http://nobelprize. org/nobel_prizes/economics/laureates/1992/index. html http://ideas. repec. org/e/pbe29. html http://www. economictheories. org/2008/08/gray-stanley-becker-economist. html http://www. economictheories. org/2008/08/gray-stanley-becker-discrimination. html http://www. economictheories. org/2008/08/gray-stanley-becker-fertility. html http://www. economictheories. org/2008/08/gray-stanley-becker-allocation-of-time. html

Thursday, November 7, 2019

Osmosis Lab Report Essay Example

Osmosis Lab Report Essay Example Osmosis Lab Report Paper Osmosis Lab Report Paper Osmosis Lab Report Hypothesis: Osmosis will occur when there is an uneven distribution of solute in a solvent. The higher the solute in solvent, then there will be a higher rate of osmosis through the diffusion gradient forming a hypertonic or hypotonic solution. Solvent with equal or no solute forms an isotonic solution. Materials: Distilled water, sucrose, dialysis tubing, string, 250 ml beaker. Procedure: To demonstrate and isotonic solution we needed 3 inches of dialysis tubing. We tied off one end of the dialysis tubing to create a bag, filled it with distilled water, and tie of other end to close. The bag is carefully blotted to remove any water spilled during the filling and then weighed and recorded for an initial mass. Then we filled a 250 ml beaker with only distilled water. Immerse the bag in the beaker of distilled water and let stand for 30 minutes. After 30 minutes we removed the bag from beaker and carefully blot excess water to determine final mass. No difference in mass shows that no passage of water through dialysis membrane resulting in an isotonic solution. To demonstrate a hypertonic solution we used another 3 inch dialysis tubing. We tied one end of the dialysis tubing to create a bag. Fill it with distilled water and 3 drops of sucrose. We tied off the other end leaving sufficient space for expansion of contents in the bag. The bag is carefully blotted to remove any water spilled during the filling and then weighed and recorded for an initial mass. Then we filled a 250 ml beaker with only distilled water, and immersed the bag in the beaker and let stand for 30 minutes. After 30 minutes we removed the bag from beaker and carefully blot excess water to determine final mass. An increase in mass after weighing shows the passing of water inside dialysis tubing from low concentration (beaker w/ only water) to higher concentration (bag w/ sucrose) of solute. Finally, to demonstrate a hypotonic solution we used a 3 inch dialysis tubing. We tied one end of the dialysis tubing to create a bag. We filled it with only distilled water and tied off the other end. The bag is carefully blotted to remove any water spilled during the filling and then weighed and recorded for an initial mass. Then we filled a 250 ml baker with distilled water and 3 drops of sucrose. Immerse bag in the beaker and let stand for 30 minutes. After 30 minutes we remove the bag from the beaker and carefully blot excess water to determine final mass. A decrease in mass after weighing shows the passing of water out of the dialysis tubing to the beaker. Conclusion: the experiment of isotonic, hypertonic, and hypotonic solution demonstrate osmosis as the passage of solvent from a more dilute to a more concentrated solution through a membrane that is more permeable to water than to a solute.